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mosquito "In Praise of Love 'Endless Love Divine

In a world that is increasingly trivial and selfish, Badiou asks about the role of sex and love defends its essence. Unheard: "In Praise of Love", a controversial book of philosophy in France beats sales records.

legend is well known that Plato stated in "The Banquet" on the origin of love. In an atmosphere of drunken camaraderie, all participants dare to philosophize on the matter. But by the turn of the disquisition of Aristophanes, he says, perhaps, the crucial issue: the relationship between desire and lack. At first, he says, were androgynous beings. But with the provocative image of happiness that came off, Zeus was furious and, as punishment, weakened by dividing in two. So, since then, each half seeks its complement. Love is the desire to return to the original situation: men and women since then wander adrift in constant search of the half that was missing. How far is this imagery of "dating agency" today, which can overcome loneliness? What if this illusory myth of the "better half" the great fiction that has distorted the true power of love? This is one of the ideas that reflect the book reviews: "In Praise of Love", a conversation between French philosopher Alain Badiou and journalist Nicolas Truong has become in the neighboring country around a "best seller" . Obsession

sex
Badiou not think the love affair, seen as unforeseen event, is a romantic notion. If the romantic notion of love is an idea of \u200b\u200bpredestination - "we were meant to meet" - the idea is impossible to meet. "The encounter is that, precisely, were not made to meet. And that's not a romantic idea for the meeting is absolutely contingent. If you prefer, I am convinced that we need to support a contingency of love. "

As evidenced in this conversation, all contemporary intellectuals, who else has been Badiou has revived in recent times, from philosophy and political commitment, the debate about love. And it has put into question the alliance wet genitalia and emancipation.

A Badiou does not miss that, burning off the utopian sexual liberation of other decades, the twenty-first century are showing some degree of confusion to new relationships and demands of the body. And, although the one hand, we insist on knowing our identity through sexuality (why Westerners, for two centuries, we searched for "knowledge" on our individual sex and not, for example, other types of communication?) on the other, the cabinet of the opacity and uncertainty, they keep out new voices calling for redrawing the traditional landscape of sexuality.

And that's not even talk about relationships, fragile and increasingly violent. Badiou feels that love is most needed and at the same time, the more impossible than ever. In this context, we seem to have shifted from class struggle to a private struggle with sex where there are only winners and losers.

Against this background of "love letter", Badiou proposes nothing less than an apology untimely commitment and loyalty against the rampant narcissism. Since the violent truth of love not only clarifies the subtle complicity between empty sexuality, consumerism and capitalism. In a way, the praise of love that invites us would countermodel the literary world of JG Ballard.

A car accident
In his novel Crash, Ballard describes an alienated world where "only" contacts vital intensity possible between humans occur as a result of violent car crashes caused. Only the ecstasy of self-destruction of the subject mediated by the technological possibilities now able to knock down the walls of individual privacy. In a society composed solely of impenetrable atoms and empty space, "Crash" for Badiou would be the perfect metaphor for our techno-sexual landscape: as sterile as pornographic. Against this sexuality encapsulated atomic unable to embrace the personal relationship and commitment, rebel arguments of the French philosopher, who shares the diagnosis of trivialization selfish sexuality. Therefore, regardless of their specific focus, the proposal to "communist" about love is a suggestive argument against global resentment that colors and impotence drowns in relationships and encounters. Hence, the long shadow looms Lacan psychoanalytic mostly dialogue. "In sex, ultimately Badiou writes," one is in relation to oneself in the mediation of another. The one you used to discover the real enjoyment. In love, however, the mediation of another ticket for herself. And that is the love affair: one part to the assault of another in order to make him be one, as is. " Badiou is
asked whether the sexual liberation has not ended the vehicle being unaware of an "economy" more agile than interpersonal encounters asphyxiation really fruitful.

also shows how, behind the facade of indifference postmodern poisonous intentions are hidden or directly from the clutches of a power increasingly flexible and cheerful, but no less dangerous. Badiou's proposal is complicated in a world increasingly obsessed with being narcissistic.

difference
Vague "There is no sexual relationship," said Lacan provocatively decades ago. Despite being interpreted this phrase as a cynical statement, Badiou believes that what he meant was that the analyst does not love does not exist, but something simpler: there is no exact science of love. The specificity of human sex, contradicting Aristophanes, is that places reason in conflict with itself, is the place where knowledge is powerless. In other words, the scandal of love is that it enables the creation of a "Two" unheard where there was never a "One." Hence love is inexplicable. "Being in love," wrote Bernard Shaw "means excessively exaggerate the difference between a woman and another."

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At Guitar Black Button

continue with our selection of Three thousand Sunday stories of phrases and words that say all the time, Hector Zimmerman, Editorial Aguilar.

"... After an hour lost to the divine button ..." he writes in his story Marco Denevi Charlie. This expression, common in the speech of Argentines, applies to what is done or said no definite object or no results. Least common is a variant of the phrase, "the Blessed" button, which also relates the pushbuttons to the mystical and the futility of action. Two facts suggest that it is not any button, that of a shirt, for example. In Italian, butonelle are the beads. In French, the phrase you Chapelet filer, rosary, is to talk a lot and meaningless, like someone passing the accounts in vain, because. If the term refers to the beads, it is possible she was born of someone who lost faith in power of prayer without being heard. Over time, this attitude is deleted from the sentence and that of "divine" lost its original meaning. Today it matters that we act to the divine or holy button and say that we have done things to the rocket.

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Guitar Piece Black, the great Alfredo Zitarrosa, for these times, these memories, these absences that torture the souls but we are pushing forward, inevitably, to the end.

How shall I take you to myself, guitar ... How do you feel for my clumsy love blowing my desire and my whole ... How air touches your flesh, your fragrant touch your heart without hunger, your silence on the bridge, your rope fifth, male, dark thy staff, your family singers, your three souls, talkative and girls ... How can you love without pain, without trouble, without witnesses, without hands to offend you ... How to pierce my well-beloved men and women, guitar, my love others, I sure love you like a few ... How to deliver all those names and that blood, without flooding your heart shadows, tremors and death, ash, loneliness and anger, silence, tears idiots ... Burglary

death
Today went looking for anything in my books ... This afternoon went, among papers, figuring out how I was, how it has been my life, how much time I lost, how to write when he greengrocers coming from the fifth, when he had two girlfriends, a nice broomrape, two pairs of shoes, when there was no television, the world of feet, violent, stupid, overwhelming, that despicable novel written by a madman ... Today's death went through my books looking for my past, seeking the summers of 40, the boys under the hose, naps clandestine bananas in the neighborhood, killed, carved in the soul ... Today went about checking my credit death of the tram, my friends, their names, Montevideo Coffee nights, the parcels Wave smelling stew, checking my father, Beretta, his Baldomir, checking my mother, hemiplegia , Uruguay Batlle, Aristides dear, my dear anarchists under the flag, under a shroud, in wines and endless lines ... Today's death went reviewing phone noises, other than under the index fingers, photos, thermometer, the dead and the living, the pale ghosts who inhabit me, his hands and feet multiple, eyes and teeth, on suspicion of subversion ... And found nothing ... Could not find Batlle, or my father or my mother, or Marx, or Aristides, nor Lenin, nor the Prince Kropotkin, or the Uruguay or anyone ... or the dead Fernández latest ... Me neither found me ... I had taken a bus to the Hill and was sitting on the side of life ... I spent front of the Night and the life he painted some posters ... I asked in a corner by the hour, and held the man who told me life was when, along with your lunch ... Today I will leave the doors and open windows of my house ... and the night will come from every window of my house, all windows throughout the neighborhood, all the windows from all quarters and all prisons, all the windows of the hospital ... enter night, nodding, jump to the inside, shade to shade in light of the lantern ... and lie on the floor like a dog ... and will wait until early morning ... Today ... leave doors and windows of my house, open, forever ...

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What Obama should have said in Chile ... Visitors

... and of course said and did. Today we released a discussion of Ariel Dorfman, the celebrated author of "How to Read Donald Duck", born in Buenos Aires, although Chilean making up that should go into exile, pursued by the Pinochet dictatorship

When Barack Obama
landing in Chile for a 24-hour visit, something crucial is missing from their agenda. There will be succulent seafood and speeches to praise the prosperity of Chile, and bilateral meetings with the powerful and the pompous, but no plans, no doubt, that the President of the United States to make contact with what was the fundamental experience of recent Chilean history, the trauma that the people of my country suffered during the nearly seventeen years of the regime of General Augusto Pinochet.

And yet, Obama is not impossible that overlooks a small sample of what was the affliction of Chile. A few blocks from the Presidential Palace of La Moneda, where he will be feted by Sebastian Piñera, 120 researchers dedicated themselves to pick up a definitive list of victims of Pinochet so that they can deliver some form of compensation. This is the third attempt since the dictatorship ended in 1990, to face that caused massive losses. Two committees had already counted officially established a huge number of cases of torture, executions and prison policy, but it became clear, as far as the years passed, countless human rights abuses remained unidentified. And indeed, the current investigation has received 33,000 additional applications, horrors that had not yet been registered.

Although Obama has no right to read any of the confidential reports about cases, a few minutes stolen from his tight schedule to talk to some of the men and women who carry out the investigation would report more about the hidden agony of Chile a thousand books and articles.

could, for example, talk with a researcher named Tamara. On September 11, 1973, the day when Salvador Allende was overthrown, the father of Tamara, one of Allende's bodyguards was arrested, without ever knowing his whereabouts later. I worked at The Mint at the time of the military uprising and saved her life by a miraculous chain of coincidences, but Tamara's father was not not so lucky, as they were not many good friends, whose bodies are still unburied .

Or could Obama listen to the eyes of a lawyer I know, who was abducted one afternoon and he was tortured for weeks before being left overnight on a street unknown, so far from home that was immediately arrested again for breaking the curfew. Or maybe Obama could talk with an anthropologist who had to go into exile for 14 years, losing his country, profession, language, and whose return to Chile was as agonizing as the original exile, as her children, following his prolonged absence from the country where they were born, they decided to stay abroad, which means that the family will be forever divided.

Or if President Obama is more comfortable knowing places instead of human beings of flesh and blood could get to Villa Grimaldi, a torture house where now stands a center for peace, or give ten minutes to visit the Memorial Museum, where exhibits denouncing the terrible past of Chile.

One reason it makes sense that Obama will do everything possible to glimpse, albeit through a glass darkly, our vast and devastating grief, is that Americans were largely responsible for that tragedy. Washington helped and encouraged and financed the fall of democratically elected government of Allende and Pinochet's dictatorial path. At a time when the revolt in Egypt, as in many other countries that are shaking the authoritarian rule, is reminding the world the consequences of supporting brutal regimes, would instructive for a president as intelligent and compassionate as it is Obama see, up close and in person, some of the men and women who have been destroyed by this policy.

and Chile also offers an example of how difficult it is to confront the crimes against humanity, how difficult and how necessary. In my country we have learned that if our community, our entire people, not looking straight past frightening and drag to light their grief, if those responsible go unpunished, we run the risk of corrupting our soul.

is a lesson that Obama and his compatriots should be imposed. Two years after its opening, Guantanamo is still open and no sign of intending prosecution of violations of human rights under the Bush administration nor a suggestion that they would apologize to the victims. A U.S. commission to take as a model as established in Santiago could be a first step toward a reckoning that, as we all know the Chileans should not be postponed indefinitely.

However important it was that experience for Obama, there is another that would be even more significant. At night you are dining at the same presidential palace where he died many years ago, Salvador Allende, in defense of the right of its people to choose their own destiny. Allende is buried in a cemetery not far from where the elite of the country will be toasting to eternal friendship between Chile and the United States. In 1965, during a remarkable journey to Chile, Bobby Kennedy left the scrupulous protocol that had been armed and found dispossessed miners and university students hostile and plunged into the problems of the country to know, to ask how to get resolution . What if Obama decided to follow the example of Kennedy, his idol, Bobby Kennedy, and got out of the script to do something unprecedented like a visit to Allende's tomb? If very simply stand on the Instead, I was standing before the remains of one who was, like him, a president elected by its people, if you devote a few minutes alone?

would not be essential to apologize or express remorse for the United States intervention in the internal affairs of Chile and Pinochet to have sustained for so long. This simple gesture would suffice. This tribute to a president who gave his life fighting for democracy and social justice would send a message to Latin America, and indeed the whole planet, it would be more eloquent than fifty rhetoric. It would be a sign that perhaps will prove possible a new era in relations between United States and its neighbors to the south of the Rio Grande, which last so bitter and unjust has never again, never, never again.

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dam

continue with our selection Sunday T res thousand stories of phrases and words that say all the time , Hector Zimmerman, Editorial Aguilar.

When a person flaunts of something or given an exaggerated importance given say dam. The term has nothing to do with any dam (a word that comes from Holland, the country experienced in putting barriers to water). The dam that emerged from our and subsequent alteration of the term investment gypsy- Diquela that the Academy records - which, like cate in Gypsy slang means to see or realize. Diquela was misinterpreted by the locals, who heard as diquedar . In Diquedear or dam to there was only one way that people gave very soon. At the end of the last century applied to dock in slang to a scam that was to leave an object for sale to change the subject quickly without noticing. The idea of \u200b\u200bfalse appearance led to the display, be seen, that the expressed today. Vanity of vanities. There is no hydraulic work capable of opposing the effort to be dam.

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When you see burn Libya

A Libyan box approach difficult, as was that of Iraq and Afghanistan, though the final balance of winners and losers leaves no room for doubt. By Luis Britto Garcia, in "rebellion" of Nicaragua.

1

In 1984 traveled for hours Libyan desert moonscape look to complex refineries like winches and space stations. Out there every day to 1,600,000 barrels of oil kept running to Europe. Libya has reserves estimated at 42 billion barrels. The hegemonic powers of the constant living fossil energy waste that do not possess. Instead of enabling alternative energy, plunder other countries that have it. Beware of the malignancy of one whom you favor, the proverb Libya. The first condition to be met today a country to be invaded is to have oil or be their area of \u200b\u200bpassage.

2

In 1836 Libya attacked by Turks, Italians invaded in 1912, conquered by the British in 1943, in 1951 occupied by British troops, and Italian Americans who hold the puppet King Idris, who accounts for the rising oil revenues. In 1969 Muammar Gaddafi, a colonel in 27 years, commanding a military rebellion that expelled foreign bases, created in 1970, the National Oil Company which dominates the middle of production, and in 1977 proclaimed the Great Socialist People's Republic of Libyan Arab . When cattle falls, the knives look, says the proverb Libya. The second condition for a country to be invaded is to take control of their natural resources.

3

in Tripoli in 1984 to attend 15th anniversary of the Jamahiriya. Witnessed massive popular assemblies which are discussed and apparently solving problems. The Green Paper is presented as the Third Universal Theory, and proclaims the primacy of initiative and grassroots organizations. He claims that "democracy is the power of the people and not the power to substitute the people." He asserts that "the representation is a sham." Proclaims that "the party represents only a fraction of the people, while popular sovereignty is indivisible." Argues that "the people's congresses are the only means of popular democracy." The village is divided into conferences popular base, each Congress elects a committee that directs and all committees are the people's congresses. In the streets the ladies wear the headscarf, but in battalions parades look gorgeous female faces and hair, scientists are women and girls fighter pilots. Libya has an estimated GDP for 2010 of about 76.557 billion dollars, with annual increase of 6.7%. Currently its annual exports of about U.S. $ 63,050 million compared with imports of 11,500 million give a broadly favorable trade balance and allow you to accumulate reserves by about 200,000 million dollars, supporting a negligible foreign debt of $ 5.521 million. This will report the highest GDP per capita ($ 14,534) and the best Human Development Index in Africa. Life expectancy is 74 years, infant mortality from 18 per l, 000 and illiteracy of 5.5%, expenditure on education is 2.7% of GDP while the defense does not exceed 1.1 % of GDP. However, there remains a 30% poverty. Who does not help your family, does not help anyone, Libyan proverb teaches. The third condition to be invaded is to rely on the grassroots and redistribute social wealth.

4

The Libyan not only advocates of direct democracy. A nationalist, because expels foreign military bases and appropriate resources. Is integration, it supports the African Union and preaches the coordination or confederation of Arab World, a cultural community of 339,128,336 people spread across three continents over 13,707,811 square kilometers, which owns most of the planet's energy resources. Libya defends these resources to strongly support the decisions of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. In its early days the Libyan is internationalist. At the Conference on the 15th anniversary of Al Fatah in Tripoli involved a massive indigenous leader of the United States, which strongly denounced the genocide against his people, the African-American reverend Farrakah, who threatens the northern power with thunderstorms, hail and nuclear war, the commander Tomas Borge, who rejects any suggestion that humanistic lead to nuclear holocaust, Fatah delegates meet us in separate session to explain the internal differences in their movement. This solidarity draws condemnation of the powers struggling to break the rest of the planet. One hand does not clap alone, reflects the aphorism Libya. The fourth condition to be invaded is to preach the integration of the Third World. 5

A camel oasis frequented by roast lamb lunch. 90% of Libyans are six million Muslims. As in other Islamic countries, differences between classes and ideologies overlap of religious bias and those of these sects and clans and ethnic groups and regions and generations, over differences with more than half a million immigrants. Too many captains sink the ship, the saying Libya. The fifth condition to be invaded is that the attackers divide to reign.

6

During the 15 anniversary of the Libyan I pass a short Kadafi. It is then a sober young green uniform, talking and discussing animatedly with the large assembly. Few things have been more flattered by the powers to buy oil, a few more demonized by the media to strip them of it. Courts international deaf, blind and dumb to the impunity of terrorist Posada Carriles condemned Libya for allegedly blowing up a plane in England. Kadafi compensation paid under protest the case. Without prior declaration of war, the Reagan administration violated the airspace in the Gulf of Sirte in 1981 and in 1986 bombed Tripoli, Gaddafi's residence sweeps, he kills a child and about a hundred of their compatriots. The same news agencies that concluded that genocide now deplore bombing cases against demonstrators. Telesur sends two teams to the area, which found no traces of bombardment. The Russian military satellite images demonstrates that such attacks did not occur. Yes there is extensive exchange of fire between loyalists and rebels. These are not, therefore, unarmed protesters. United States agencies, whose army is mercenary, they lie that government advocates are "mercenaries." Among his repertoire of triggers of panic not stop invoking the "chemical weapons" and attributed to Iraq. Who replicated the lion, have bad breath, says the proverb Libya. The sixth condition for invasion is being demonized by the international agencies.

7

The storm information translates into a lack of information What actually happens in Libya? Are they working people's organizations, or are displaced by political classes? Does it replace the representation to participation? Is it credible that together increase the human development index and social unrest? Have you given Kadafi to bullying and transnational empire? Is the feud with Libya honest power ratings for forty years have bought oil and sold weapons? During that time the ubiquitous media fail to provide any explanation. While U.S. leaders and media monopolies are full of praise for the rebels what they advocate? What plan? What do you propose? The only credentials consist FNSL have conducted a "National Congress" in the United States in 2007, funded by the NED. All the world's media expected to disseminate their plans. If you do not declare, you do not have them or are unspeakable. If they object to "privatize the oil Kadafi? If you really have popular support for what they need the intervention of the first overwhelming military power in the world? If you want the good of their country, why open it to foreign empires annihilating invasion? Look no pleasure in the misfortune of another, the maximum recommended Libya. The seventh condition for invasion is being misrepresented by the misinformation.

8

U.S. nuclear aircraft carrier crashes with the Libyan coast and confused dispatches state that landed "advisors" armed to the teeth, while robbers pacta collusion with the European Union and NATO military helicopter is caught in flagrant violation of the sovereignty of the Arab country. Walter Martinez reveals that the London School of Economics prepared the baton of leadership of the attacked: four scholarships Libyans were trained in the virtues of savage neoliberalism. As in a nightmare we repeated the Iraqi situation. The plan is to steal the Libyan oil to launch a dumping him to ruin and break the governments of OPEC. U.S. policy is the only global looting oil, which eventually leads to blockage of the remaining energy powers and the World War. Venezuela proposes mediation, Kadafi and accept the Arab League and the ALBA convenes a plenary meeting to discuss the situation. Shared burden is lighter than a feather, says the Libyan maxim. When you see a Third World country under the imperial aggression burning, put your solidarity to soak

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nagging

continue with our selection of T Sunday res thousand stories phrases and words we say every time , Hector Zimmerman, Editorial Aguilar.

Although we are now accustomed to associate with metal cans and canned food, canned was for the Romans a big stick or a plank of wood. By weight and force took the metaphorical sense of something capable of stunning, hard to bear. An association of similar ideas which inspired the name of trunk applied to very awkward player or individual apathetic. Al invented the tin, it added noise typical of that material to the previous connotations. Since then can also take the meaning of clogging thing as empty containers. The latero or annoying , is part of the pollution. So capable of ruining the landscape as the tinware of vacant or cylinders of tin from the roof of a car claim that its owner no longer wants to see more. Roberto Arlt full dedicated one of his Etchings Porteñas, that his success is titled "Psychology latero simple." "It's absurd that a type of this class will always have a stock of nonsense to desembaular" protests there Arlt, to add further: "In the story loose tongue forgets that there is time and boredom." Board or tin, the abuse of the word always found, apparently, its practitioners and its victims.

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David Viñas and weapons of criticism

My best tribute to one of the largest Argentine intellectuals of the twentieth century, a man of character but without rancor side, as I had to check, in an interview - and interesting introduction - which Néstor Kohan made him almost eight years.

ever
Marx in a famous formulation, asked to combine the weapons of criticism with the criticism of arms. In the culture of Argentina David Viñas exercised for decades both forms of criticism. Maintain that attitude, not bow to the fashions of the moment, it is not easy. Basically in our culture, always so prone to be captivated by "the ultimate" master class in Paris and quickly settle the current political wave.

As someone who feels out of place as a spoiler - what is an intellectual critic but a killjoy? - Viñas has never been afraid to challenge the consensus surface last minute. This interview is no exception to the rule.

worth recalling, for example, that during the early years of the so-called transition to democracy "when many intellectuals vernacular returning from exile in Mexico renouncing their Marxist fervor of the '60s and '70s and embraced, enthusiastic, sorry, and converts, European social grants and subsidies from wealthy U.S. foundations, David Viñas rejected a Guggenheim fellowship that gave him more twenty thousand dollars. When asked the reasons for the "inexplicable" rejection, given that not even owned his home and had to pay rent, Viñas barely whispered the name of their children who disappeared during the dictatorship (Mary Adelaide and Lorenzo Ismael) and the writer Haroldo Conti ...

is known. In the field of criticism literature, the emergence of Argentina and Literature political reality (1964, reprinted as amended and extended on several occasions) revolutionized the field at the same time challenging academic formalism and the depoliticization of the official fees. That work began today classic written in 1953, Contour times (the legendary magazine where David Viñas Rozitchner participated with Leon, and Ramon Mayor Ismael Viñas, among others). His daring hypothesis branded on the national critics. What characterized his originality was the discovery of political impregnation stains the staging of the writing. A reading of our literature understood as a single text run, where they speak the ruling classes and intellectuals. Society and political conflict in a condensed time in the city, understood in turn as open and disputed text.

precursor

That book went on in a series of investigations into our literature, in the work of vineyards, accompanied his several novels, plays and history textbooks. Among the critical and historical texts worth mentioning Laferrère and the crisis of the liberal city , De Sarmiento a Cortázar , From the anarchists Montoneros, Fascism in America America, Latin America Anarchists, God Of Sarmiento (Argentine travelers USA) and Menemato and other suburbs. Among the novels fell on his face, ruthless Years, A god everyday , land owners , Dar face, horsemen, concrete things, pack, The tragic week, Melee, and Syllabus Claudia talks, among others. Among the plays: maneuvers, Lisandro, Tupac-Amaru and Dorrego.

The interview took as its starting point the reissue of Indian army and border (Buenos Aires, Santiago Arcos, 2003; first edition of Mexico, Siglo XXI, 1982), extending the trial began in stabbing behind Outline and the controversial play of 1964.

always consistent with its desire to embarrass, to kick the board and complacency accommodative half-submerged since 1976 to date-in suspects dietary sweeteners, in this interview Viñas refers by name to several Argentine intellectuals. When we were parting, I asked if he kept those names in editing or removed. "Partner" he warned, "the controversy has to be ad hominem . You can not argue in the abstract and how pretending distracted. " That was surely the best definition of its critical work.

The dialogue took place in the library bar Losada de la calle Corrientes, on a cold Friday night in June 2003.

Exile and dictatorship

Néstor Kohan: How research was conceived of Indian army and border ?

David Vines: I was in Spain and there came the news of the official celebration of Videla in Argentina of the "Campaign to the desert." A scandal! That coincided with my stay in Berlin for four or five months, was to give some classes, and there I could see this huge library donated by Ernesto Quesada which is now in the Latin American Library in Berlin.

NK: Your book was an attempt to respond to dictatorship?

DV: from the start is raised controversy. It appeared clear that in 1879 the two figures overlap: the civil and military embodied in General Roca, head of the annihilation of 20,000 people or so.

NK: And in 1979, a century later?

DV: Well, then the missing were 30,000 ... The information we received in exile was that the military was killing people "for free." I believe that time will assign greater importance-that was what was seen, and in exile ... long story - the military. Not sufficiently articulated and explicitly the underlying economic project and decisive. If I have to be self-critical, I think this book is the articulation of class bias in terms of a more civilian, where the shaft is in the criticism of the military.

NK: What public had in mind when he wrote?

DV: Good question. This was written in Spain, the public was a European (although it was later published also in Mexico). They, in Spain, not well understood politics in Argentina. How was the coup of 1976 had given to Isabel Peron ...? They had in mind the model of Chile: a socialist government overthrown by the military. To explain the situation in Argentina in 1976 took years to explain ... We said: "Neither Isabel Peron and Videla. How do I stay? With nothing I stay!

repressive Modernization

NK: In Indian army and border you hypothesize that in the nineteenth century history of Argentina is verified trajectory from "the nation romantic "that proposed the creation of Sarmiento and Alberdi 1837 of the" liberal state "in general Rock and the generation of '80. Also you suggest the idea of \u200b\u200ban authoritarian modernization. What role the army played there?

DV: Fully decisive. Already we see in Lucio V. Mansilla, who is the follower, the maximum of heterodoxy on the discourse of power. Specifically, in his book A trip to the Indians ranqueles , which is an implicit argument but was very explicit as he moves away from Rio Cuarto ... Mansour has a personal problem that runs throughout its internal dispute the discourse of power. But the discourse of power, with all the inflections that can be in chronological terms and diachronic, impregnations, etc, will increasingly emerging. Even he and others explicitly recognized as heirs to this point may be the Romantic Generation of '37. With contradictory moments from now. But it was refined in the passage of the romantic moment when the positivist, 1870 and especially 1880.

NK: "That passage is marked by a political project that in 1837 the State lacked in 1880 and has taken over the state?

DV: from now. In the case of Sarmiento is clear, that can be verified from what it might mean the Facundo and Campaign the Great Army, which cover the period 1845-1852 - to Conflicts and harmonies of the races in America and foreign Condition America. Even in strictly productive, critical quality, aggressive, dramatic tension is much stronger than anything the years in which Sarmiento is in opposition until it is installed and growing, one way or another, an address power.

NK: "The year 1880 marks the culmination of that project?

DV: I think so. Even, do not forget, there are elements Rock and godson of Sarmiento. This is going to rock rising on a strictly professional and military. Roca is a son of Sarmiento. Roca himself explicitly recognizes this. There is a line, up and down winding, yes, but whose heart, whose stone remains ever more explicitly the complementary component of an elite suburban English Argentina about the center.

NK: Is that process of emergence and consolidation of the '80 model in Argentina said the formation of an essentially authoritarian modernization?

DV: Yes, that was the process, even in the face the modernization process that involves the campaign into the wilderness with systematic removal of the Indians ...

NK: modernity that is found even in the repressive methods employed ...

then DV: course. Are the methods of "civilization" as defined against "barbarism." What was hitherto " civilization and barbarism " thereafter, in Argentina, is transformed into "civilization or barbarism." We must eliminate those others! ... to the extent that fall within my grid of rationality ... How could they be involved before? Mansfield sees it clearly. The exotic as a way to visualize the barbarism. "Exotic" for example, attached to women. In other situations, the woman is a slave exotic dancer, etc., Etc., Until the target can afford to buy a slave, but always surrounded by mystery and prestige of "oriental". In contrast, in our society, the work of Mansfield, for example, found something different: a vision of another articulated very differently to the seduction of the Orientalist discourse. In the white progress on the border of Argentina, on the Indians, there is no such exercise of seduction and "exotic." In the case of General Roca, the conclusion is simple: "We have to eliminate them."

Army and genocide

NK: In your book you state that the construction of a new order, socially, politically, culturally, presupposed in Argentina in 1880 a genocide. In the twentieth century, specifically in 1976, did something similar ...

DV: Yes, this could be one of the central theses. Two cases, depending on the needs of eliminating all those other rationalist overflowing power grids.

NK: always by the Argentine Army as the central protagonist ...

DV: precisely in Indian army and border referred to the "hidden God" ... Perhaps, making self-criticism, this book written in 1979 during the dictatorship of General Videla, is pervaded by a somewhat liberal perspective, to the extent that by the inks on the military dimension, which was the most visible. You may have an empty class. I should have asked at that time, when I wrote in 1979: "What appears next to the military?". What appears and is present in a document submitted phenomenal Sociedad Rural Argentina in 1879 calling for progress on the land. The first sign that document is Jose Martinez de Hoz, the same family as the minister of economy Videla. That'sa class continuity, almost paradigmatic.

NK: But Indian Army and border plants you the alliance between the military and provincial oligarchies ...

DV: Yes, an alliance in the case specifically political. A partnership that is played today with the governors of the provinces of Argentina with Juarez, the province of La Rioja, etc. In times of Rock and the desert campaign by the major operator of such partnerships that accompanied the genocide are in the province of Cordoba. It Celman Juárez. But here we have to recover, permanently, the theoretical line to be made since the 1850's until the 1880's until the end of the century: Victorian liberal thought, ie, classical liberalism.

NK: Could conclude, then, that in Argentina it was liberalism's opposition to an authoritarian thinking but substantial part of the project was authoritarian?

DV: All this was a bundle in which the dimension repressive unfolded implicitly. Campaign Against the Desert: who question this? From the margins of the same project and the same kind: the Catholics. It happened something similar to what happens now. Suddenly you can match against the liberal Catholic positions. So the opponents are Catholics, priests, missionaries denounce the process from a totally paternalistic. They are missionaries in a project that is part of the liberal project. It is the cross and the sword!

NK: has long been argued that in eighteenth century Europe, liberalism and repression were the alternative project or even dichotomous. Usually said that modernity came to displace and sweep across the project monarchical, authoritarian, despotic, repressive ... However, in Argentina appears imbued liberalism, and in the second half of the nineteenth century, a strong repressive and authoritarian impulse ...

DV: That passage is precisely what makes the path of romantic liberalism positivist liberalism. The most brilliant characters who carried out the policy of Charles II are among the viceroy, as Vertiz. The foundation of the Viceroyalty of Río de la Plata is a modernist. These people were imbued with the thought Physiocratic, the thought of Jovellanos ...

NK: But in the nineteenth century that it was impossible ...

DV: Yes, assuming that other characteristics and that liberalism was transformed into something quite repressive.

NK: Is there a parallel between the repressive model of the generation of 1880 in Argentina, where society is structured by the state and from top to bottom, with Bismarck and Prussian model which appears as an emerging society European then?

DV: displacements and replacements are permanent. There are temptations for successful models. In the late nineteenth century Prussian model that appeared to be successful in the same manner as in the second half of the twentieth century the successful emergence of the Israeli army ended up being seductive to the Argentine military. Until 1870 the role model was French, but that model gradually became replaced by Bismark Even in critical elements such as the country's unification and centralization.

NK: And the landowners, the Junkers, as social prevailing in Germany ...

DV: Exactly , here also the subject were the oligarchs who own the land. Historiographical criticism points to the tension of this shift in class Model field. Ernesto Quesada, whose library was bigger than the general himself Mitre, give these books to Prussia. Similarly, the general Ricchieri buy a huge quantity of rifles mauser Krupp home ...

NK: Does this culture of Argentina in the late nineteenth century, where modernization and liberalism were centrally repressive, it was virtually Prussian?

DV: No, there was what we do runs, matching, overlays, overprints in terms of success. Begin to come to Argentina Prussian officers. The path runs from Mansfield, always frenchified Uriburu General, to Colonel Falcon. The latter two were totally Germanophiles.

the desert campaign and the dictatorship of Videla

NK: Where would parallel with the genocide of 1976?

DV: obviously in the way in 1976 continues to run the military. In the case of General Roca and the generation of 1880, this is someone who comes from the military success, conquering the desert and conquered the city of Buenos Aires by a provincial. Look what he wrote the newspaper La Nación when given the choice between Rock and Weaver, "is a military rugged, provincial, etc.. " After warning that has a great insight. From 1880 to 1904 the military and civilian power are superimposed on one figure: that of a general.

NK: How do you see today the Argentine Army?

DV: somehow cornered. That is why President Kirchner may pass into retirement many generals. But to be seen how easy is it when Kirchner come to the interview with the "comrade" Bush ...

NK: Could draw a sequence between 1879, 1976 and 2003?

DV: I think so. I believe that this sequence is marked by the history of this institution and this social group now intends to go piecing but that, over time, his stone is representing in essence the same. Martinez de Hoz is the minister of economy Videla's dictatorship in 1976. And not coincidentally are the same surname Martinez de Hoz in the top of the list of the Rural Society letter sent to General Roca in 1879. There is a clear line of continuity. Obviously with some fluctuations, but end up weighing the oligarchy in Argentina is a seamless pipe.

The bourgeoisie Argentina

NK: Is there no difference between Argentina bourgeoisie of that time and today?

DV: Probably . The bourgeoisie of that time and even their repressive liberalism still had positive elements, for example at the anticlerical. Eduardo Wilde expels Matera. It was not easy to expel the apostolic nuncio. Break relations with the Vatican until the second presidency of General Roca. It's itinerary of the ruling class and its hegemonic discourse. Yes, with variations. There is a seamless pipe.

NK: "The bourgeoisie Argentina today is a national project as it was the bourgeoisie of that time?

DV: Current The bourgeoisie has only one project of survival. The current middle class is a thought that is a antipensamiento. Only bet for survival. Then, in 1880, the bourgeoisie had an elite that Argentina never been repeated. Think Eduardo Wilde and his correspondence with General Roca. It tutean because they had been schoolmates. To see the power circuit, the hegemony of a class, we had what finance minister. Remember that getting close to 1890 was Minister Carlos Pellegrini. At that time the project, which extends until 1930 - is within the British world map and there is a reciprocity interest: we produce what we do not consume and consume what they do not produce.

NK: At that time we have, then, a positivist liberalism, while repressive anticlerical. And today?

DV: will have to see where the applications of this neo-camporees we are witnessing, with all revenues from the case, how far to materialize. Fine print: how far to take shape as much as Lula has already co Landless in the street. A man has 50 million votes, with a background very different to that of Kirchner ... I wonder what is possible field of application is currently in Argentina? At the risk of certain orthodoxy that may be associated with simplicity, I do charge for this, one would associate the distance between the district of Puerto Madero and the neighborhood popular with larger lice that crocodiles ... the polarization is between carnival and favela. That urban level. At other levels it is also checked. So I wonder: how far can operate as a compromise proposal which now embodies the government of Mr. Kirchner? How far has a real chance? Even, so to speak sharply, consider just the finance ministers: Carlos Pellegrini to Domingo Cavallo or even Roberto Lavagna! With all that was Carlos Pellegrini ... when he realizes that it was no more the model of the moment and you have to open the game to a secret ballot and freedom ... that is, having positive and modernist elements. 1880 was a particularly privileged draft semicolony dependent ... as Lenin called, right? It may seem very thick. Is that it was. Where they agree, according to the possible exchange of local elite and the central elite. So today, compared with Kirchner, I think, is exactly what he says in the provinces. Now, what do you say when you get to Washington? And that progress was being made between the FTAA and MERCOSUR no antagonism ...

NK: You plant your doubts, uncertainties, concerns, versus so-called neo-Campora. This "spring Campora" does not express the continuity of a populist discourse and ideology?

DV: Populism, yes, but for populism seriously and politically effective you have to have economic support to a global environment like that was the first Peronism.

NK: "Today there are viable to return to that project? Or express the autonomy of a speech without a real basis?

DV: is very well set out. I would like the Italians say, parolacha ... and concreteness. I hope to see what happens with Colin Powell coming to see how he is history and the meeting between Kirchner's friend and "partner" Bush. Do you believe that Bush is not going to happen Fidel film in Argentina? There would have to see the inter-bourgeois tensions. I think that at this time in Argentina journalistic spokesmen revival Campora, "I think Miguel Bonasso or José Pablo Feinmann, are falsifying reality are covering. If Lula is to make concessions, with the country that has, with the number of votes and his own career at stake ... I just wonder what happens when Kirchner come to the interview with Bush.

NK: "Bush? Does the supposed owner of the world?

DV: same. You have to read what it says in the newspaper La Nación U.S. Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz ... the Iraq war was about oil! They own admission. But back to Kirchner, recently talked about the league of governors held in their provinces to General Roca. Well, what are the features of the province of Santa Cruz, hitherto governed by Kirchner just ...?

NK: In Indian army and border notes that José Hernández, author of Martin Fierro begins with the protest and then integrated. In the rest of your work is always critical plant the intellectual figure who gets on the horse to the left and down the right. Do you think that the Kirchner government will do the same movement?

DV: I think at this point there is some success, on the other hand passes through the culture of Argentina since 1880 and the model 900. Remember the old slogan "Argentina power" or when stated in 1909 "Argentina seventh in the world." What happened? It was the historical moment ... success through from the populism that the newspaper La Nación news coverage of tennis or "lions", the hockey players, even a writer as Ernesto Sabato or those who speak of "Argentina: Sister more "and other nonsense. Always under the hegemonic discourse. What we should ask is what was here in Argentina, the hegemonic discourse, from the joint state with rock solid until now? This discourse has permeated many different ideologies, including the left. José Ingenieros think ... is true that he was a positivist and up Secretary of Rock but it is also undeniable that in 1918 an act and make a speech in favor of the Russian Revolution marked a turning point. Engineers died in 1925. Had continued to ask ourselves how this shift? Where? The same is found in the social democratic left, clearly impregnation of the hegemonic discourse. Think of the historian Jose Luis Romero, for whom I had, incidentally, a great respect and affection. Went on to say that "America has no history" ... He began with the Greeks, Rome, medieval Europe and then went to Latin America and Argentina. What did you say that America has no history? What is the story for you, Mr. Romero? "Napoleon?

The left slope

NK: "The left failed to get rid of the hegemonic discourse?

D, V.: No, the left never got a real autonomy. We had a [Luis Emilio] Recabarren ...

NK: We had a [José Carlos] Mariátegui ...

DV: Neither Mariátegui ... There impregnation of the hegemonic discourse on the left. From Anibal Ponce to date, up to certain cultural buildings left Pharaonic architecture by its express the hegemony of power. From the left we have to propose something that is not something that we do, but from practice critical and alternative thinking. Can not we? Yes we can! Are we doomed? No! No way!

NK: Maybe left in Argentina laid on his back with two bags that did not belong: the progressive liberalism and national-populism ...

DV: from now. Although it sounds patronizing-I for 80 years, they have to the younger generation. It is a task to do: build un pensamiento alternativo desde la izquierda. Ajustar las cuentas con el liberalismo democrático y el nacionalismo populista es complicado, desde ya. En el andarivel político, ni te cuento…

N.K.: En tu libro De los Montoneros a los anarquistas de 1971 vos trazabas una secuencia que iba desde las masas de gauchos alzados del siglo XIX hasta los primeros obreros inmigrantes anarquistas. En Indios, ejército y frontera vuelve a emerger otra secuencia que nace con los pueblos originarios, inasimilables, a tal punto que fueron masacrados. ¿Hoy en día existe un sujeto social que ocupe ese lugar y prolongue esa secuencia histórica?

D.V.: The most visible are the picketers hard, ie, the protesters who refuse to assimilate. The government receives the so-called "piqueteros Dialogue", the protesters conciliators: D'Elia and Alderete. But the picketers unassimilable are hard. The latter are "out", do not fall within the grid of the rationality of power. Today there is a noticeable vacuum. The picketers did not come to cover the activities of the traditional trade union confederations.

NK: If the historical sequence is verified in the field of power, with the centrality of the army of genocide in our political culture must always accompany ruling classes, and is also found in the popular field, with indigenous peoples, with the gauchos elevations, the montoneras, anarchist immigrant workers, missing 1976 to the protesters today, what happens in the intellectual field?

DV: I think in the intellectual field is a task done. We have to do is still an outstanding debt, an Argentine intellectual history, periodization, of course. Always analyzing, critically, the intellectual figure of the horse goes left and down the right. Clarified that this is a quote from Arthur Jauretche was the best he had, despite all antizquierda and anticommunist ideology Jauretche. His model was the Peruvian APRA Haya de la Torre, right? I think the paradigm of this type of intellectual is Leopoldo Lugones, someone coming from the left, the magazine Mountain. Lugoniano speech of 1924, that passion for the fascist army, we find in 1930, 1943, 1955, 1966, 1976 ... in each of the coups. The other paradigm, the critic, as opposed to representing Lugones, is undoubtedly Rodolfo Walsh.

NK: addition to its revolutionary political activism Walsh What production as a writer, you rescue?

DV: Rodolfo Walsh left a formidable series of stories. For example "That woman" or the "Footnote" ...

NK: In "Footnote" Walsh stresses the emergence of the subject, is not it, a subject that is emerging from the shadows of endnotes walk to escape the constraints ...

DV: And there also appears in "Footnote", the praise of the poor devil. Exactly the opposite of Jorge Luis Borges, who always laughed the poor devil. For example, in "The Aleph," Borges Argentine laughs Daneri, that poor devil. And also Borges found, in contrast, the exaltation of the hero ...

additional

NK: hero and ancestor. Borges lived always remembering his illustrious ancestors ...

DV: course. On this side we also find the permanent counterpart ...

NK: detectives Walsh police stories are, well, poor devils, ordinary people and wildlife ...

DV: Of course, in Borges, however, find the Homeric invocation and exaltation.

NK: Why froze figure Rodolfo Walsh, separating the intellectual, the writer of a militant? Is not there an attempt to freeze it, revered, but freezing at the same time?

DV: Obviously the risk is canonization. We have to ask who and how canonize canonized? In this regard we must ask how it has operated Walsh's canonization as a journalist and from what angle did the operation.

NK: "Rodolfo Walsh left a legacy as a radical critic?

DV: I believe that there are radical critics. Some might be a Lion Rozitchner, of my generation, or Maria Pia Lopez, a younger generation and many others. But I think the legacy of radical criticism there is collective, not individual.

NK: Does a collective intellectual?

DV: Yes, speaking Gramsci, an intellectual group. The one left with a serious proposal on the cultural level. You have to read this story in a controversy, with the liberal tradition, of course, and also with the populist tradition. It is simply a work in progress. And read critically Peronism from Juan Domingo Peron and Eva Peron. Without saying that "Eva was a whore" nor "Rosa Luxemburg revived." Let's talk seriously.

NK: How do you join Indian army and border within this intellectual history is still to be done?

DV: As part of the culture left. And when I criticize the left, including myself first. Not only critical but also self, mate. For example, Indian army and border was written in 1979 during the military dictatorship. I think that lacks civility.

Method historicizing and opportunism

NK: In all your work for you thomas literary criticism centering on the city as a contested political space and in turn you put in the forefront of literature addressing the gestures of each writer's understanding them as a show of political life. And there do not hesitate to use a central category such as "imperialism", when it is assumed that is no longer fashionable ... So, if you compare your critical work of Edward Said's book Culture and Imperialism as or Orientalism can find many points of view ...

DV: Said's work seems very significant. These issues fall I especially nice, as it somehow. To put it polemically could say that it is unfortunate that in Argentina who had published the work of Edward Said, as also that of Fredric Jameson, has been a magazine like Viewpoint Beatriz Sarlo ... In Indian army and border , for example, there appears the subject of Eastern exoticism and the exoticism of the desert border and Indians in the eyes of whites. I read with great attention Orientalism, for example. I even remember who had scored to put a piece of heading, but then I was too circumstantial. I think the big controversy of Said is in the United States against all American formalism. What is more rescue historicizing of literature.

NK: A historicizing that, paradoxically, decentralized look predominantly at the Academia Argentina ...

DV: Totally against the grain of that look. From 1976 until today ... in our Academy continues to insist on the pure internal reading of the texts. That thing that comes from the American formalism and American neo-rhetoric. I think that Said is very interesting, but at times tends to overstate the presence of imperialism in the odd little novel nineteenth-century English. I have to show that presence requires more work on the dialectic of text and context ... We think the analysis of literature in times of Argentina's military dictatorship. Let us take criticism seriously and, for example, two emerging at that time analyzing the circumstantial there: Jorge Asis and Ricardo Piglia. What are you answering this? What is the scenario, the drama, the swing? For whom are you writing? What readers? What public? I think in the case of Piglia that responded to an audience that was expecting a work that took over, with subtlety and literary skill, the problem of dictatorship.

NK: " artificial respiration, for example, in the case of Piglia?

DV: Yes, exactly. A similar thing happens shortly after the appearance of "Open Theater" as a post-Falklands War. This situation is also a vector to take into account when analyzing the appearance of such books. The military and then were not burning books. Periodization should be accurate until you do that. I believe that this exercise-the burning of books-is exhausted Videla.

NK: Assisi For what are you responding?

DV: I think in his case, rather than a literary skill and subtlety, a cunning and opportunism. We should do a tour of his journey from left to right and from then on successive accommodations. The same accommodation can be found in books or even Felix Luna Pacho O'Donnell, with all the paraphernalia advertising and marketers of their recent and hurry-biography of Che Guevara. I mean, cunning, opportunism and accommodation. Do you understand?

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The stone guest


We

with our selection of T Sunday res thousand stories of phrases and words that say all the time , Hector Zimmerman, Editorial Aguilar.Según Dictionary, the adjective applies to "the guest who stay silent during a social gathering." Someone who, between sips and bites, does not go much beyond the monosyllable.

Its origin dates back to an old legend that inspired Seville two plays of fame. The unwelcome guest , Tirso de Molina, Don Juan Tenorio by José Zorrilla. The guest is Don Gonzalo de Ulloa, Commander of the Order of Calatrava. When Don Juan asked the hand of his daughter, angrily rejects. Feeling insulted, the unrepentant libertine kills father who wanted to flee to Seville. Returning years later, visiting the grave of the commander and, as a joke, after death, invites the statue to dinner at his home. The marble invited to appear and took the seat reserved for him at the table. Thus was born that is now widespread. It also describes the situation of any group that has neither art nor part. As if the monument to the Guest Sobrante.

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Agro, Industry and salaries

interesting reflection of the economists of the Argentine chapter of the Society for International Development, Enrique Aschieri and Damian Dalle, on this issue that crosses national debate historically, refuting common areas and proposing alternatives conventional, at least for the analysis of mass media

Beyond the unpleasant vicissitudes of the situation in the public debate on the agrarian question, there are some concepts implied by those to be stopped. Are notions that lead to forming judgments, or rejected widely accepted reluctantly, without the foundations upon which are erected to be placed in doubt. Let us consider those archetypes that explain the origin of our country's agricultural expertise.

Some argue that specialization comes from the increased productivity of agriculture in respect of other activities. Others, however, suggest that, in relative terms, had more land than humans. Explanations are unfounded because, among other preconception very restrictive, are based on the axiom that in the world there is no movement of capital. In reality, the movement of capital from the center to the periphery has been happening for three centuries decisively shaped the current division international work, sometimes through peaceful processes, sometimes not. Another assumption is that international prices determine the national income. Is reversed.

And so we became a nation. And so when we wanted and we evolve to a higher stage, the combination of the lack of clarity of objectives of the national movement and the dead weight of the remnants of the old superstructure revitalized, to some extent, the black-out that we live between 1976 and 2003 we stopped. The story is told is that there is a "natural destination" given by the agricultural specialization and that, being raped, sent us to the bottom of the pan. As if the system in which cared live use value when in fact the only thing that matters is the exchange value.

Regarding the exchange value in a world marked very low-wage differentials in the periphery and very high in the center, and with a rate of gain, also at international level, the key that unlocks the door of development is just such a political price: the wage. Consequently, the specialization of a country, Argentina's case, it must be appropriate to raise the purchasing power of wages. Should be the national decision of paying high wages.

In more practical terms, the transfer from agriculture to industry does not occur as a result of which agriculture is backward and the industry itself advanced by nature (in fact, Argentina has a very advanced agriculture for its manufacturing sector), but because the range of industrial goods is larger than that provided for agriculture, and participation in the family basket sanctioned an increasing function of living. We see, then, that industrialization is the structural condition of development, is the syndrome.

unreal examine a hypothesis to test the likely roots of this approach. Suppose that the other activities in the United States-a country that historically paid the most comparatively high wages internationally, produce less asset value per worker agriculture, the rest of the world accepts completely abandon agricultural activities and import from the north country all agricultural commodities who wish to change in industrial goods, which natural factors are unlimited in the U.S., the transfer from one sector to another is not a problem and that transport costs are zero. In these fantastic circumstances, for the U.S. this situation will not be beneficial to specialize 100 percent in agriculture, for the simple reason that the 200 million U.S. assets would be put to work in agriculture as productive to create a large number of agricultural products two or more times greater than that currently consume the entire planet.

not because agriculture is so backward that more means less as a percentage of GDP. On the contrary: because it is relatively more productive in relation to the scale of needs. Thus, it assumes that development is industrialization but first and foremost, a rise in agricultural productivity. That historic role as long as agriculture met in Argentina. It will require that all interests are balanced presence in the national interest, that at this stage passes to advance decisive in import substitution. That is, completing the cycle of heavy industry. Then subtracted, too, that the political outcome of resolution 125 which established a sliding tax scheme to stop exports mean a dent.